tempting to
land arms and ammunition, and were killed in the fight which ensued. The
demand was grossly unjust, but the fact of its having been made would
seem to all impartial persons to vitiate utterly all French claims to
this territory, as an unmistakable acknowledgment of the Hova supremacy
there.

Such are, as far as can be ascertained, the most important reasons
recently put forth for French claims upon Madagascar, and the Malagasy
replies thereto; and it would really be a service to the native
Government and its envoys if some French writer of authority and
knowledge would endeavour to refute the arguments just advanced.

Another point of considerable importance is the demand of the French
that leases of ninety-nine years shall be allowed. This has been
resisted by the Malagasy Government as most undesirable in the present
condition of the country. It is, however, prepared to grant leases of
thirty-five years, renewable on complying with certain forms. It
argues, with considerable reason on its side, that unless all powers of
obtaining land by foreigners are strictly regulated, the more ignorant
coast people will still do as they are known to have done, and will make
over, while intoxicated, large tracts of land to foreign adventurers for
the most trifling consideration, such as a bottle of rum, or a similar
payment.

* * * * *

The question now arises, what have Englishmen to do in this matter, and
what justifies our taking part in the dispute?

Let us first frankly make two or three admissions. We have no right to
hinder, nor do we seek to prevent, the legitimate development of the
colonial power of France. So far as France can replace savagery by true
civilization, we shall rejoice in her advances in any part of the world.
And further, we have no right to, nor do we pretend to the exercise of,
the duty of police of the world. But at the same time, while we ought
not and cannot undertake such extensive responsibilities, we have, in
this part of the Indian Ocean, constituted ourselves for many years a
kind of international police for the suppression of the slave-trade, in
the interests of humanity and freedom; and this fact has been expressly
or tacitly recognized by other European Powers. The sacrifices we have
made to abolish slavery in our own colonies, and our commercial
supremacy and naval power, have justified and enabled us to take this
position. And, as we shall pres