clique that rides on the backs of the organized workers, and the
majority cannot throw them off so long as a score of members have the
same voting power in the Confederation as that of a trade union with ten
thousand members. All this must, of course, have very serious
consequences. Opposition to majority rule has always been a cardinal
principle of the anarchists. It is also a fundamental principle of every
American political machine. To defeat democracy is obviously the chief
purpose of a Tammany Hall. But, when this idea is actually advocated as
an ideal of working-class organization, when it is made to stand as a
policy and practice of a trade union, it can only result in suspicion,
disruption, and, eventually, in complete ruin. It appears that the
militant syndicalist, like the anarchist, realizes that he cannot expect
the aid of the people. He turns, then, to the minority, the fighting
inner circle, as the sole hope.

It is inevitable, therefore, that syndicalism and socialism should stand
at opposite poles. They are exactly as far apart as anarchism and
socialism. And, if we turn to the question of methods, we find an
antagonism almost equally great. How are the workers to obtain
possession of industry? On this point, as well as upon their conception
of socialism, the syndicalists are not advanced beyond Owenism. "One
question, and that the most immediately important of all," say the
Webbs, speaking of Owen's projects, "was never seriously faced: How was
the transfer of the industries from the capitalists to the unions to be
effected in the teeth of a hostile and well-armed government? The answer
must have been that the overwhelming numbers of 'the trades union' would
render conflict impossible. At all events, Owen, like the early
Christians, habitually spoke as if the day of judgment of the existing
order of society was at hand. The next six months, in his view, were
always going to see the 'new moral world' really established. The change
from the capitalist system to a complete organization of industry under
voluntary associations of producers was to 'come suddenly upon society
like a thief in the night.'... It is impossible not to regret that the
first introduction of the English Trade Unionist to Socialism should
have been effected by a foredoomed scheme which violated every economic
principle of collectivism, and left the indispensable political
preliminaries to pure chance."[44] Little need be added to what