General
Harrison, in 1840, was nominated instead of Webster or Clay,
who were the leaders of the Whig Party, and doubtless the
favorites at Washington. In 1844, when Mr. Clay received
the Whig nomination, he was defeated by Mr. Polk, who had,
I suppose, hardly been heard of as a candidate in political
circles at the Capital. In 1848 the popular feeling again
compelled the nomination of a candidate, General Taylor, over
the favorite leaders at the Capital. In 1852 Fillmore and
Webster were both rejected by the Whigs for General Scott,
and General Pierce was summoned from private life for the
Democratic nomination. In 1860 Seward was rejected for Lincoln.
And in 1876 Hayes, whose National service had consisted of
but one term in the House of Representatives, was chosen as
the result of a contest in which Blaine, Conkling, Morton
and Bristow, distinguished National statesmen, were the defeated
competitors. So, in 1880, Garfield, who had not been much
thought of in official circles, was selected as the result of a
mighty struggle in which Grant and Blaine were the principal
champions, and in which Edmunds and Sherman, who had long
been prominent in the Senate, were also candidates.

Republican National Conventions since the War of the Rebellion
have been embarrassed by another influence, which I hope will
disappear. In many of the Southern States the Democratic
Party consists almost entirely of whites who have possessed
themselves of the forces of government by criminal processes,
which have been a reproach not only to this country, but to
civilization itself. The Republicans, however numerous, and
although having a majority of lawful voters in most of these
States, have been excluded from political power. They have
however, of course, had their full proportionate representation
in the National Convention of the Republican Party. Their
delegates have too often been persons who had no hope for
political advancement in their own States, and without the
ambition to commend themselves to public favor by honorable
public service, of which that hope is the parent. They have
been, therefore, frequently either National office-holders
who may reasonably be supposed to be under the influence
of the existing Administration, or likely to be governed
by a hope of receiving a National office as a reward for
their action in the convention; or persons who can be influenced
in their actions by money. This Southern contingen