mature, indeed, can scarcely be called exceptions, since
maturity succeeds immaturity--the child becomes the adult; and as
physical, moral, and intellectual powers are acquired, civil rights
must be accorded.

The failures, then, include all those who can with due regard to just
principles be entirely excluded; and these are the idiot, who never
reaches maturity; the lunatic, who, becoming diseased, loses the
mental and moral characteristics of maturity; and the criminal, who is
coming more and more to be looked upon as partaking of the character
of the idiot and the lunatic. I venture to think, then, that the real
issue is narrowing itself down to this: that the opponents of women's
emancipation really regard all women either as perpetually immature
(to whom they will accord more or less protection, privilege, or even
adoration, just as they admire the innocence of childhood), or as the
perpetual failures of the race.

If women continue to be excluded from electoral functions, it will be
because a majority of men in their secret hearts relegate them to one
or other of these classes. But there are, happily, increasing numbers
of men who are perfectly aware of, and sympathise with the indignation
of women at the affront thus put upon them. These men cannot but feel
that the insult thus publicly affixed to all women affects them also.
They say: "We are the sons of women, and may in our turn also become
fathers of women. Are we, then, sons of slaves, and shall we in turn
create slaves to hinder the development and lower the morality of our
sons? No! we believe that women ought to be free and equal before the
law, so that they may become mothers of free and equal sons and
daughters, helping in each other's development, ennobling and no
longer enslaving each other."

If the issue narrows down, looked at from first principles, it
broadens out indefinitely as the details of its applications and
effects come before us. These are wide and far-reaching, and space
fails for entering upon them here. But in the struggles of the
labouring classes, in the societies for reform of evils, for the
spread of improvements, in the work of the County Council, etc., we
find that women's help is needed, and that it either cannot be given
at all, or is miserably curtailed in its power for good and useful
work, because it is not accompanied by the electoral powers which back
up men's endeavours. So it must remain till the power of the vote is