--at least all of it worth heeding--that Miss
Anthony holds here the position of a refined and estimable woman,
thoroughly respected and beloved by the large circle of staunch friends
who swear by her common sense and loyalty, if not by her peculiar views.
As for her age, she tells it often enough unsolicited, whenever the
famous silk dress is alluded to; the dear old dress that a New York
reporter held up as such perfection of taste and fashion! Anna Dickinson
gave that dress to Miss Anthony upon her fiftieth birthday a number of
years ago, and the news was in all the papers. That dress is going into
history with Commissioner Storrs, Judge Selden and the illustrious rest.
It has always been worn by a lady--a genuine lady--no pretense nor
sham--but good Quaker metal. She is no "sour old maid," our Miss
Anthony, nor are the young men shy of her when she can find time to
accept an invitation out; genial, cheery, warm-hearted, overflowing with
stories and reminiscences, utterly fearless and regardless of mere
public opinion, yet having a woman's delicate sensitiveness as to
anything outre in dress or appearance.

Our Susan B. Anthony will work up into a charming bit of biography some
day without a dull page within the covers, providing, of course,
stupidity does not have the writing of it. Never mind what she has been
fighting for, and will fight for till the victory is sure, we must all
own hers a brave record, and she has already accomplished for her sex
much that their scorn and contumely did not prevent her striving for. We
heard a lady remark after attending the suffrage convention: "No, I am
not converted to what these women advocate, I am too cowardly for that;
but I am converted to Susan B. Anthony."--Rochester Evening Express.

CHAPTER XXVII--PAGE 472.

WOMAN WANTS BREAD, NOT THE BALLOT!

_Delivered in most of the large cities of the United States, between
1870 and 1880. The speech never was written, and this abstract was
prepared from scattered notes and newspaper reports._

My purpose tonight is to demonstrate the great historical fact that
disfranchisement is not only political degradation, but also moral,
social, educational and industrial degradation; and that it does not
matter whether the disfranchised class live under a monarchial or a
republican form of government, or whether it be white workingmen of
England, negroes on our southern plantations, serfs of Russia, Chinamen
on our Pacific coast, or n