y imagine that
this will be an anxious trial for us, because if anything can bring
back the agitation of his mind, it must be such a recital as
Thurlow must have to make. It must, however, be made, and we can do
no more than follow the opinion of the physicians, and of Willis in
particular, as to the time of making it.
If the experiment succeeds, you need not be told that we shall not
feel ourselves disposed, nor indeed at liberty, to give up the
King's authority (he being well) into the hands of His Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales; and the less so, because we now
_know_ that he and his _friends_, as he calls them, have taken the
resolution of making the change at all events, and of taking all
the offices of the country into their own hands, even (as they
express themselves) if they are to hold them only twelve hours.
Certainly, if we looked only to the objects of party, and had
nothing more important to attend to than the exposing in their true
colours this profligate and unfeeling set of men, we could desire
no fairer opportunity of doing it than by showing how much their
ambition, or revenge, overbear any other sentiment, when it leads
them to overturn the whole Government of their country, and to
bring on the confusion which must attend a double change of
Government in the space of a few weeks, merely in order to set the
Prince of Wales and Pitt more at variance; for that can be their
only object, unless indeed they look to that of drawing the line of
separation between His Royal Highness and his father stronger than
it was before.
We must not, however, be guided by these considerations. It is
impossible not to know and feel how much mischief such a change
would produce; and it is our duty to prevent it, both for the sake
of the King and of the country. Besides which, there are other
reasons which make it impossible that the present measure should go
on. We cannot suffer a Bill to proceed which asserts the King's
incapacity, at a time when his physicians pronounce him to be
capable. He cannot pass such a Bill himself, because the mere act
of passing it contradicts the averment of the Bill, and shows its
provisions to be improper. Still less can the Chancellor, who has
had an opportunity of being personally acquainted with the King'
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