gland. As he then
believed, the fate of Hungary was staked upon the fulfilment of that
pledge. Hence it came to pass that his speeches in England in May,
1859, were on a higher plane than the speeches that he delivered in
the years 1851 and 1852. At the former period he had no hope of
immediate relief for Hungary; in 1859 he imagined that the day of the
deliverance of his country was at hand, and that the neutrality of
England was a prerequisite, or at least a coincident condition.

It is not too much to say that the following extract from his speech in
the London Tavern justifies every claim that has been made in behalf of
Kossuth as a patriot and an orator:

"The history of Italy during the last forty years is nothing but a
record of groans, of evergrowing hatred and discontent, of ever-
recurring commotions, conspiracies, revolts and revolutions, of
scaffolds soaked in the blood of patriots, of the horrors of Spielberg
and Mantua, and of the chafing anger with which the words, 'Out with
the Austrians,' tremble on the lips of every Italian. These forty
years are recorded in history as a standing protest against those
impious treaties. The robbed have all the time loudly protested, by
words, deeds, sufferings, and sacrifice of their lives, against the
compact of the robbers. Yet, forsooth, we are still told that the
treaties of 1815 are inviolable. Why, I have heard it reported that
England rang with a merry peal when the stern inward judge, conscience,
led the hand of Castlereagh to suicide; and shall we, in 1859, be
offered the sight of England plunging into the incalculable calamities
of a great war for no better purpose than to uphold the accursed work
of the Castlereaghs, and from no better motive than to keep the House
of Austria safe?

"Inviolable treaties, indeed. Why, my lord, the forty-four years that
have since passed have riddled those treaties like a sieve. The
Bourbons, whom they restored to the throne of France, have vanished,
and the Bonapartes, whom they proscribed, occupy the place of the
Bourbons on the throne of France. And how many changes have not been
made in the state of Europe, in spite of those 'inviolable treaties'?
Two of these changes--the transformation of Switzerland from a
confederation of states into a confederated state, and the independence
of Belgium--have been accomplished to the profit of liberty. But for
the rest, the distinctive features through which those treaties