body; they neither feed the poor nor
educate the young; they have no hold on the national mind; they have not
sprung from the national character; they were born by faction, and they
will live by faction. Such bodies must speedily become corrupt; they
will ultimately be found dangerous instruments in the hands of a
faction. The members of the country corporations will play the game of a
London party, to secure their factitious local importance and obtain the
consequent results of their opportune services.

I think I have now established the two propositions with which I
commenced my last chapter: and will close this concluding one of the
'Spirit of Whiggism' with their recapitulation, and the inferences which
I draw from them. If there be a slight probability of ever establishing
in this country a more democratic government than the English
constitution, it will be as well, I conceive, for those who love their
rights, to maintain that constitution; and if the more recent measures
of the Whigs, however plausible their first aspect, have, in fact, been
a departure from the democratic character of that constitution, it will
be as well for the English nation to oppose, with all their heart, and
all their soul, and all their strength, the machinations of the Whigs
and the 'Spirit of Whiggism.'

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