road base of popular support the party has
drawn upon the symbols of nationalism and has made extensive use of
Romanian history and tradition. Its independent stance in relation to
Soviet domination has served to enhance its image among the general
population; at the same time, the fact that membership in the party has
been made relatively easy has helped the PCR become one of the largest
communist parties of Eastern Europe.

In mid-1971 Ceausescu initiated a campaign to strengthen ideological and
cultural orthodoxy and, for the first time in the six years since he had
come to power, some political observers believed they were able to
detect opposition to his proposals both within and outside the party.
There was no indication, however, that the resistance was organized or
was strong enough to affect Ceausescu's position. Throughout the period
of Ceausescu's control there have never been any recognizable factions
in the party in opposition to his leadership.

MAJOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS, 1965 TO 1970

The leadership of the PCR changed hands in March 1965 when Nicolae
Ceausescu became first secretary after the death of Gheorghe
Gheorghiu-Dej, who had headed the party almost continually since 1944
(see ch. 2). Ceausescu's emergence as head of the party came in the
midst of a period of growing Romanian nationalism that had begun in the
early 1960s. Initiated by Gheorghiu-Dej, the policy of greater national
autonomy was given additional form and substance by Ceausescu, who
sought to cast himself in the role of the restorer of Romanian history
and the country's national traditions.

As Gheorghiu-Dej's successor, Ceausescu was confronted with the
necessity of consolidating his power. No member of the party Secretariat
owed his position to Ceausescu, and he found particular challenges to
his authority from three men who had been among Gheorghiu-Dej's closest
associates: Chivu Stoica, a veteran party leader; Gheorghe Apostol,
first deputy premier and a former PCR secretary; and Alexandru Draghici,
minister of internal affairs and, as such, head of the powerful state
security apparatus.

A temporary solution to the problem was found in a system of collective
leadership by which Ceausescu became head of the party and Stoica took
over Gheorghiu-Dej's other leading position as president of the Council
of State and, as such, head of state. Apostol continued as first deputy
prime minister, and Draghici remained as minister of