ossal reputation, which rose, a fair exhalation
from the hearts of grateful millions, and covered all the land, would
have vanished like a mist.

Whatever individuals may have wished for, the charge of monarchical
designs cannot be brought against the Federalists as a party. New
England was the mother of the Revolution, and became the stronghold of
Federalism. In South Carolina and New York, a majority of the
inhabitants were Tories; the former State voted for Mr. Jefferson every
time he was a candidate, the latter gave him his election in 1800. It
requires a liberal expenditure of credulity to believe that the children
of the Puritans desired a monarchy more than the descendants of the
Cavaliers and the adherents of De Lancy and Ogden. Upon this subject
Jefferson does not seem to have understood that disposition which can be
dissatified with a measure, and yet firm and honest in supporting it.
Public men constantly yield or modify their opinions under the pressure
of political necessity. He himself gives an instance of this, when, in
stating that he was not entirely content with the Constitution, he
remarks that not a member of the Federal Convention approved it in all
its parts. Why may we not suppose that Hamilton and Ames sacrificed
their opinions, as well as Mr. Jefferson and the framers of the
Constitution?

The evidence with which Mr. Randall fortifies his position is
inconclusive. It consists of the opinions of leading Republicans, and
extracts from the letters of leading Federalists. The former are liable
to the objection of having been prompted by political prejudices; the
latter will not bear the construction which he places upon them. They
are nothing more than expressions of doubt as to the stability of the
government, and of regret that one of a different kind was not
adopted,--most of which were made after the Federalists were defeated.
We should not place too literal a construction upon the repinings of
disappointed placemen. Mr. Randall, we believe, has been in political
life, and ought to be accustomed to the disposition which exists among
public men to think that the country will be ruined, if it is deprived
of their services. After every election, our ears are vexed by the
gloomy vaticinations of defeated candidates. This amiable weakness is
too common to excite uneasiness.

An argument of the same kind, and quite as effective as Mr. Randall's,
might be made against Jefferson. His letters contain