and
tried to modify and, as I believe, improve, the Wilson Bill. Senator
Gorman, Democratic leader of the Senate, Governor Flower of New York,
and a number of the ablest Democrats were as sound protectionists in
moderation as I was. Several of these were disposed to oppose the
Wilson Bill as being unnecessarily severe and certain to cripple some
of our domestic industries. Senator Gorman said to me he wished as
little as I did to injure any home producer, and he thought his
colleagues had confidence in and would be guided by me as to iron and
steel rates, provided that large reductions were made and that the
Republican Senators would stand unitedly for a bill of that character.
I remember his words, "I can afford to fight the President and beat
him, but I can't afford to fight him and be beaten."

Governor Flower shared these views. There was little trouble in
getting our party to agree to the large reductions I proposed. The
Wilson-Gorman Tariff Bill was adopted. Meeting Senator Gorman later,
he explained that he had to give way on cotton ties to secure several
Southern Senators. Cotton ties had to be free. So tariff legislation
goes.

I was not sufficiently prominent in manufacturing to take part in
getting the tariff established immediately after the war, so it
happened that my part has always been to favor reduction of duties,
opposing extremes--the unreasonable protectionists who consider the
higher the duties the better and declaim against any reduction, and
the other extremists who denounce all duties and would adopt
unrestrained free trade.

We could now (1907) abolish all duties upon steel and iron without
injury, essential as these duties were at the beginning. Europe has
not much surplus production, so that should prices rise exorbitantly
here only a small amount could be drawn from there and this would
instantly raise prices in Europe, so that our home manufacturers could
not be seriously affected. Free trade would only tend to prevent
exorbitant prices here for a time when the demand was excessive. Home
iron and steel manufacturers have nothing to fear from free trade. [I
recently (1910) stated this in evidence before the Tariff Commission
at Washington.]

CHAPTER XI

NEW YORK AS HEADQUARTERS

Our business continued to expand and required frequent visits on my
part to the East, especially to New York, which is as London to
Britain--the headquarters of all really important enterprises in
A