can be mentioned in which he showed a generous compassion
to those who had opposed him honestly and on public grounds. But he
frequently spared and promoted those whom some vile motive had induced
to injure him. For that meanness which marked them out as fit implements
of tyranny was so precious in his estimation that he regarded it with
some indulgence even when it was exhibited at his own expense.
The King's wishes were communicated through several channels to the Tory
members of the Lower House. The majority was easily persuaded to forego
all thoughts of a penal law against the Exclusionists, and to consent
that His Majesty should have the revenue for life. But about the Test
Act and the Habeas Corpus Act the emissaries of the Court could obtain
no satisfactory assurances. [303]
On the nineteenth of May the session was opened. The benches of the
Commons presented a singular spectacle. That great party, which, in
the last three Parliaments, had been predominant, had now dwindled to a
pitiable minority, and was indeed little more than a fifteenth part of
the House. Of the five hundred and thirteen knights and burgesses only
a hundred and thirty-five had ever sate in that place before. It is
evident that a body of men so raw and inexperienced must have been, in
some important qualities, far below the average of our representative
assemblies. [304]
The management of the House was confided by James to two peers of the
kingdom of Scotland. One of them, Charles Middleton, Earl of Middleton,
after holding high office at Edinburgh, had, shortly before the death
of the late King, been sworn of the English Privy Council, and appointed
one of the Secretaries of State. With him was joined Richard Graham,
Viscount Preston, who had long held the post of Envoy at Versailles.
The first business of the Commons was to elect a Speaker. Who should
be the man, was a question which had been much debated in the cabinet.
Guildford had recommended Sir Thomas Meres, who, like himself, ranked
among the Trimmers. Jeffreys, who missed no opportunity of crossing the
Lord Keeper, had pressed the claims of Sir John Trevor. Trevor had been
bred half a pettifogger and half a gambler, had brought to political
life sentiments and principles worthy of both his callings, had become
a parasite of the Chief Justice, and could, on occasion, imitate, not
unsuccessfully, the vituperative style of his patron. The minion of
Jeffreys was, as might have bee
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