ou can understand that after the success that has crowned our
arms lately, I have a definite instruction from the burghers in my
division to stand by our independence. And they have grounds for such
an instruction. The burghers have, indeed, lost over 300 men from
deaths and captures, but they have performed deeds of heroism. I do
not say this to boast, but to make the position of myself and of my
fellow delegates clear to you. These victories have naturally had a
particularly good effect on the burghers and also upon the enemy. I do
not wish to convey that these victories have such an effect upon the
enemy that they will cause the scales in this struggle to turn in our
favour, but I say it to show that no one can take it amiss in the
burghers if they give such instructions as they have done.

However, since my arrival, and since I have learnt how matters are
situated in other districts, I feel the difficulties that are brought
forward against the continuance of the war. Under my command I have
also districts, such as Potchefstroom and Krugersdorp, where the
burghers cannot maintain the struggle, but they have the opportunity
there of withdrawing to other parts where they can exist. I have
always been of opinion that I may not lay down my arms as long as I
have any food, even though that food consists of nothing else but
mealies. But it appears to me that certain districts will be compelled
by hunger to surrender. Therefore I am pleased that leaders speak
openly here, and do not arrogantly say: "We can still continue," and
then, when we return, lay down their arms, and put everything upon the
shoulders of only some of us.

Referring to intervention, I may say that the Commandant General and
other members of the Government know what my views have always been on
that matter. I was certain of it that there would never be any
intervention for us, and said so before the war. If Britain becomes
the owner of the Republics, then South Africa would be owned partly by
Germany and partly by England. If Britain becomes the owner of a
portion, then the German possession was guaranteed. That would not be
the case if the Republics won the struggle. The German possessions
would then also be in danger. Will German statesmen therefore
intervene to check England to their own detriment? We need not,
therefore, give intervention even a thought.

There is another point. It is argued that we must fight to the bitter
end. The Commandant Gen