d Liebknecht, is an actuality of modern Germany, and
should be seen to by those who desire this central power of Europe to
remain exempt from a social revolution. Cursory as this review of
Bismarck's past life and present policy has of necessity been, some
indulgent reader may perhaps bestow upon me--besides his thanks for
having withstood the temptation to quote the pithy, and at times
impassioned, utterances of the wittiest man in power of the present
day--just enough of his confidence to believe that I have suppressed no
trait of importance.

However, since there is one thing more important still than a great man,
namely his country, let us not dismiss the interesting subject of this
retrospect without inquiring what that country has gained and what lost
through his agency. Germany possesses a federation, not constructed
after any existing pattern, not made to please any theory, not the
object of anybody's very passionate admiration, but accepted in order to
alter as little as possible the accustomed territorial and political
arrangements. In one sense it has no army, for the Prussian and the
Bavarian armies, although the empire bears the cost, still exist. In one
sense it possesses not the indirect taxation, for the individual states
do the collecting of custom-house duties, etc. In one sense it has
scarcely any organ of administration, for the whole internal government,
the schools, courts of law, and police, all belong to the single states;
and foreign affairs, the navy, the post-office, and railways in Alsace,
are the only fields of imperial direct administration. Yet, what it has
is valuable enough. The empire rules the army and can legislate over and
control a prodigious amount of national subjects. Its foreign policy is
one. The military command is one. Certain specified sources of revenue
are the empire's. Patriotic aspirations are fulfilled. The individual
sovereigns in Germany possess a guarantee of their status, the operative
classes an opportunity for organization and improvement on a large
scale. Monarchical feeling has gained in depth, both generally and with
personal reference to the emperor and to the crown prince, both
"representative men" in the best sense of the word, and the crown
prince, the most lovable man of his day.

Another salutary constitutional reform--not of Bismarck's making, for he
gave his consent unwillingly and not without first having marred its
beauty, but yet an effect of his gr