h every expression of good-will, he avoided all
recommendation in such cases, saying that such claims must be presented
through other channels.

The attention of the government was early drawn to the proceedings of
the Seminole Indians, who had commenced hostilities with circumstances
of great barbarity. Orders were sent to General Jackson to repair to the
seat of war with such troops as he could collect, and the Georgia
militia, and to reduce the Indians by force, pursuing them into Florida,
if they should retreat for refuge there.

About this time the republic of Buenos Ayres sent an agent urging an
acknowledgment of their independence. Their claim was in unison with the
popular feeling in the South; but elsewhere throughout the nation public
opinion was divided, as were also the members of the President's
cabinet. Mr. Adams declared himself against such recognition, as it
would interfere with a negotiation with Spain for the purchase of the
Floridas. He urged, also, that McGregor, the adventurer, who, under a
pretence of authority from Buenos Ayres, had taken possession of Amelia
Island, should be compelled to withdraw his troops by a naval force sent
for that purpose. On this measure, also, both the nation and the cabinet
were divided. Mr. Clay, in the House of Representatives, took ground in
opposition to the policy of the administration, avowing openly his
intention of bringing forward a motion in favor of recognizing the
independence of Buenos Ayres. To control or overthrow the executive by
the weight of the House of Representatives, was apparently his object.[1]

[1] A committee appointed by the House of Representatives, on
McGregor's possession of Amelia Island, waited on Mr. Adams, and
inquired concerning the proposed proceedings of the executive,
and his powers in that respect. Mr. Adams took occasion to state
and explain to them the effects of "the _secret laws_, as they
were called, and which," he said, "were singular anomalies of our
system, having grown out of that error in our constitution which
confers upon the legislative assemblies the power of declaring
war, which, in the theory of government, according to Montesquieu
and Rousseau, is strictly an executive act. But, as we have made
it legislative, whenever secrecy is necessary for an operation
of the executive involving the question of peace and war, Congress
must pass a _sec