as appointed in his stead.

The representation of France in the United States had been as mutable as
her politics. Fauchet, who succeeded Genet, retired in June, 1795, and
was succeeded by Adet, who like his predecessors, carried on active
interference with American politics, and even attempted to affect the
presidential election by making public a note addressed to the Secretary
of State complaining of the behavior of the Administration. In Adams's
opinion this note had some adverse effect in Pennsylvania but no other
serious consequences, since it was generally resented. Meanwhile Pinckney
arrived in France in December, 1796, and the Directory refused to receive
him. He was not even permitted to remain in Paris; but honors were
showered upon Monroe as he took his leave. In March, 1797, Adet withdrew,
and diplomatic relations between the two countries were entirely
suspended. By a decree made two days before Adams took office, the
Directory proclaimed as pirates, to be treated without mercy, all
Americans found serving on board British vessels, and ordered the seizure
of all American vessels not provided with lists of their crews in proper
form. Though made under cover of the treaty of 1778, this latter provision
ran counter to its spirit and purpose. Captures of American ships began at
once. As Joel Barlow wrote, the decree of March 2, 1797, "was meant to be
little short of a declaration of war."

The curious situation which ensued from the efforts made by Adams to deal
with this emergency cannot be understood without reference to his personal
peculiarities. He was vain, learned, and self-sufficient, and he had the
characteristic defect of pedantry: he overrated intelligence and he
underrated character. Hence he was inclined to resent Washington's
eminence as being due more to fortune than to merit, and he had for
Hamilton an active hatred compounded of wounded vanity and a sense of
positive injury. He knew that Hamilton thought slightingly of his
political capacity and had worked against his political advancement, and
he was too lacking in magnanimity to do justice to Hamilton's motives. His
state of mind was well known to the Republican leaders, who hoped to be
able to use him. Jefferson wrote to Madison suggesting that "it would be
worthy of consideration whether it would not be for the public good to
come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections."
Jefferson himself called on Adams and showed him