ng them all. Had Kossuth remained
true to the faith which he proclaimed in this speech, it is within the
limits of probability that the whole Revolution of 1848-1849 might have
had a different result.

The Hungarian chancellor, Mailath, was so alarmed at Kossuth's speech
that he hindered the setting out of the deputation which was to have
presented the address to the Emperor. But he could not prevent the
speech from producing its effect. Although Presburg was only six hours'
journey from Vienna, the route had been made so difficult that the news
of anything done in the Hungarian Diet had hitherto reached Vienna in a
roundabout manner, and had sometimes been a week on its way.

The news of this speech, however, arrived on the very next day; and
Kossuth's friend Pulszky immediately translated it into German and
circulated it among the Viennese. A rumor of its contents had spread
before the actual speech. It was said that Kossuth had declared war
against the system of government, and that he had said state bankruptcy
was inevitable. But as the news became more definite the minds of the
Viennese fixed upon two points--the denunciation of the men of the past,
and the demand for a constitution for Austria. So alarmed did the
Government become at the effect of this speech that they undertook to
answer it in an official paper.

The writer of this answer called attention to the terrible scenes which
he said were being enacted in Paris, which proved according to him that
the only safety for the governed was in rallying round the government.
This utterance naturally excited only contempt and disgust; and the
ever-arriving news of new constitutions granted in Germany swelled the
enthusiasm which had been roused by Kossuth's speech.

The movement still centred in the professors of the University. On March
1st Doctor Loehner had proposed, at one of the meetings of the Reading
and Debating Society, that negotiations should be opened with the
Estates, and that they should be urged to declare their Assembly
permanent, the country in danger, and Metternich a public enemy. This
proposal marked a definite step in constitutional progress. The Estates
of Lower Austria, which met in Vienna, had indeed from time to time
expressed their opinions on certain public grievances; but these
opinions had been generally disregarded by Francis and Metternich; and,
though the latter had of late talked of enlarging the powers of the
Estates, he had ev