bernacle, and by the seven churches of Asia; that
from Galileo's doctrine consequences must logically result destructive
to Christian truth. Bishops and priests therefore warned their flocks,
and multitudes of the faithful besought the Inquisition to deal speedily
and sharply with the heretic.(56)

(56) See Delambre on the discovery of the satellites of Jupiter as
the turning-point with the heliocentric doctrine. As to its effects
on Bacon, see Jevons, p. 638, as above. For argument drawn from the
candlestick and the seven churches, see Delambre, p. 20.

In vain did Galileo try to prove the existence of satellites by showing
them to the doubters through his telescope: they either declared it
impious to look, or, if they did look, denounced the satellites as
illusions from the devil. Good Father Clavius declared that "to see
satellites of Jupiter, men had to make an instrument which would
create them." In vain did Galileo try to save the great truths he
had discovered by his letters to the Benedictine Castelli and the
Grand-Duchess Christine, in which he argued that literal biblical
interpretation should not be applied to science; it was answered that
such an argument only made his heresy more detestable; that he was
"worse than Luther or Calvin."

The war on the Copernican theory, which up to that time had been carried
on quietly, now flamed forth. It was declared that the doctrine was
proved false by the standing still of the sun for Joshua, by the
declarations that "the foundations of the earth are fixed so firm that
they can not be moved," and that the sun "runneth about from one end of
the heavens to the other."(57)

(57) For principle points as given, see Libri, Histoire des Sciences
mathematiques en Italie, vol. iv, p. 211; De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 26,
for account of Father Clavius. It is interesting to know that Clavius,
in his last years, acknowledged that "the whole system of the heavens is
broken down, and must be mended," Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol.
xv, p. 478. See Th. Martin, Galilee, pp. 34, 208, and 266; also Heller,
Geschichte der Physik, Stuttgart, 1882, vol. i, p. 366. For the original
documents, see L'Epinois, pp.34 and 36; or better, Gebler's careful
edition of the trial (Die Acten des Galileischen Processes, Stuttgart,
1877), pp. 47 et seq. Martin's translation seems somewhat too free. See
also Gebler, Galileo Galilei, English translation, London, 1879, pp.
76-78; also Reu