this session, which extended to May 20, little was done except to
debate Virginia politics, of which Mahone was the center. His vote
was decisive of nearly every question presented. I took part in
the long debate on the election of officers of the Senate, mainly
with Senator Bayard. My sympathy was with Mahone, as I felt that,
whatever his view of the debt question in Virginia was, he was
right on the reconstruction of the south and in opposition to the
bitter sectionalism of the Democratic party in that state. In
replying to Mr. Bayard I said I agreed with him in the principle
that the majority must rule. I claimed, however, that when the
action of a minority went beyond a reasonable delay it became
revolution and, in a word, was worse than revolution, it was treason;
that under the senate rules, and in conformity with them, this
government might be as absolutely destroyed as the southern
Confederates would have destroyed it if they had succeeded; that
the rules were intended to be construed with reason and judgment;
that the minority had certain rights to interpose dilatory motions
in order to delay and weary out the will of the majority, but when
it went beyond that limit it entered upon dangerous ground; that
the simple question was whether the Senate should elect its officers
by a majority vote or whether the minority should force the retention
of those then in office. The session closed without electing
officers of the Senate, and was in substance a debating society
doing nothing but talk and acting upon presidential appointments.

The cabinet of President Garfield, as finally selected, was a good
one and was promptly confirmed. Mr. Blaine, for the head of it,
was determined upon early after the election, but the other members
were not decided upon until near the inauguration. Mr. Windom
certainly proved himself a very able and accomplished Secretary of
the Treasury during the short period of his tenure. As I held
myself in a large measure responsible for his appointment, I took
a great interest in his success. He conferred with me freely about
the best mode of refunding the large amount of bonds that became
due on or before the 1st of July. Congress having failed to pass
any law to provide for the refunding of this debt, he resorted to
an ingenious expedient, which answered the purpose of refunding.
Under a plan which was his own device there were called in, for
absolute payment on July 1, 1881, abou