Union much stronger politically than when they
seceded, and much better equipped for a renewal of the unquenched strife
for industrial existence in 1865 than they were in 1860.

The immediate work of reconstructing civil society in the old slave States
to meet the new condition of freedom was now by an egregious executive
blunder left wholly to the master class, with the startling result at its
close that, whereas Negro slavery had been abolished, Negro serfdom
reappeared in every instance as the industrial basis of the reconstructed
States, and that a serf power was about to take the place of the slave
power in the newly restored Union more dangerous than the old slave power
to free industrialism than five is greater than three in federal numbers.
For, while according to the old rule of slave representation in the lower
house of Congress it took five slaves to nullify the votes of three
freemen, under a new rule of apportionment which would probably obtain
five serfs would be equivalent politically to five freemen. At this all
the ancient hatred and dread of its Protean rival blazed hotly in the
heart of the North, and with its passionate fear emerged a no less
passionate desire to secure forever the domination of its industrial
democracy over the newborn nation.

Actuated by this motive to dominate the republic, the freedmen whom the
old master class had by prompt legislation reduced to a condition of
serfdom were thereupon raised by the North through Constitutional
amendment to the plane of citizenship. And when this act proved
inadequate to arrest the threatened Southern revival in the national
government, the ballot was next placed in their hands to avert the
impending danger. It was under such circumstances that the work of
Southern reconstruction was entered upon by Congress, i. e., in reality by
the North, the South having had its chance and failed to reconstruct
itself upon a basis satisfactory to its victorious rival, and in
consonance with its sense of industrial and political security and
progress.

I know that it is now the universal vogue to criticize and condemn this
stupendous work of Congress as wholly wanting in knowledge of human nature
and as woefully deficient in wise statesmanship. I know also that
hindsight is at all times attended with less embarrassment to him who uses
it than is foresight; and I know, besides, that those historic actors who
had not attained unto a position of futurity in res