od
judgment. He did no talking for himself, but an immense deal of working
for others. Every soldier was his constituent, whether he lived in Maine
or Nebraska. He placed self not first, but last.

He had no thought of fame or higher place, but silently served those
that loved him, and to the maimed or needy tried to make the burdens and
loads of life lighter. He doubtless thought that "he who lives a great
truth is incomparably greater than he who but speaks it."

CHAPTER VII.

ELECTED GOVERNOR OF OHIO.

_Party of State Rights--Their Convention--Platform--Nomination of
Thurman--Republican Convention and Platform--Nomination of
Hayes--Platform--Opening Speech at Lebanon--Thurman at
Waverly--National Interest aroused--Hayes Victorious--
Inaugural--First Annual Message--Second Annual Message._

The questions at issue in the great political canvass of 1867, in Ohio,
were closely allied to the one whether the National Government had a
constitutional right to maintain its existence. It was many years after
the war of the Rebellion before the Democratic party could be induced to
admit that the war had settled anything. The question of State or
National supremacy or sovereignty, settled a hundred times by argument
and twice by arms, was still persistently argued by them as an open
question. The State Supremacy or State Rights party fought the
constitution at the time of its adoption, on the ground that it
established a supreme central government, and were defeated. They
opposed putting down the Whisky Rebellion, in Pennsylvania, under the
leadership of Jefferson and Randolph, and were outvoted in the Cabinet
by Washington, Hamilton, and Knox. They forced their disintegration
doctrines into the Supreme Court, and were there vanquished by the
resistless logic of Chief Justice Marshall. The same old doctrine
assumed the form of nullification under the teachings of Calhoun in
South Carolina, and was stamped out by Jackson. It appeared again in the
great debate between Hayne and Webster, and was annihilated, so far as
argument can put an end to any heresy. But it reappeared in 1861, with
Davis, Stephens, Lee, and Breckenridge as its most powerful advocates
and exponents.

The identical questions discussed in Washington's Cabinet, when there
was a Whisky Insurrection to be put down, were discussed by Lincoln and
Davis, by Meade and Lee, at Gettysburg, and by Grant and Pemberton, at
Vicksburg.