for his treatise on Liberty, which he
described as 'one of the wisest books of our time.' Mill fully
reciprocated the feeling. He once spoke of Lord Stanley as 'one of the
very few English public men who hold that a politician's opinions
ought to be founded on principles.'

'Our party,' wrote Lord Malmesbury in 1853, 'are angry with Disraeli,
which is constantly the case, and they are also displeased with Lord
Stanley, suspecting him to be coquetting with the Manchester party.'
Greville, nearly at the same time, expressed his belief that Lord
Stanley was taking 'a wise and liberal line,' and that he was 'pretty
sure to act a conspicuous part.' In November 1855 there was a critical
moment in his career, when Lord Palmerston, on the death of Sir
William Molesworth, offered Lord Stanley the post of Secretary of
State for the Colonies. He at once went down to Knowsley to consult
his father, who put a strong veto on the proposal, and the offer was
refused, but in terms which showed that it had been far from
unacceptable. It is probable that the refusal was a wise one, for
although on many home questions Lord Stanley would have found himself
more in harmony with moderate Liberals than with his own party, he
would certainly have dissented from Lord Palmerston's foreign policy.
During the Crimean war he seems to have sympathised with the views of
Bright and Cobden. He took an active part in an able but now nearly
forgotten Tory paper called 'The Press,' which was opposed to the war,
and his extreme horror of war and of every policy which could possibly
lead to war was one of his strongest characteristics. Responsibility
in office never weighed lightly upon him, but responsibility for
measures which led or might lead to bloodshed was more than he could
bear.

At the time when this offer of Lord Palmerston was made, Lord Stanley
was little more than twenty-nine. Greville considered that he had
acted wisely in refusing, and he has given us an interesting account
of the light in which the young statesman then appeared to experienced
political judges. 'His position and abilities,' he said, 'are certain
before long to make him conspicuous, and to enable him to play a very
considerable part. He is exceedingly ambitious, of an independent turn
of mind, very industrious, and has acquired a vast amount of
information. Not long ago Disraeli gave me an account of him and of
his curious opinions--exceedingly curious in a man in his condit