ed credit to any contrary hypothesis.

It was probably the example of the French barons, which first imboldened
the English to require greater independence from their sovereign: it
is also probable that the boroughs and corporations of England were
established in imitation of those of France. It may, therefore, be
proposed as no unlikely conjecture, that both the chief privileges of
the peers in England and the liberty of the commons were originally the
growth of that foreign country.

In ancient times, men were little solicitous to obtain a place in
the legislative assemblies; and rather regarded their attendance as
a burden, which was not compensated by any return of profit or
honor, proportionate to the trouble and expense. The only reason for
instituting those public councils was, on the part of the subject, that
they desired some security from the attempts of arbitrary power; and on
the part of the sovereign, that he despaired of governing men of such
independent spirits without their own consent and concurrence. But the
commons, or the inhabitants of boroughs, had not as yet reached such a
degree of consideration, as to desire security against their prince, or
to imagine that, even if they were assembled in a representative body,
they had power or rank sufficient to enforce it. The only protection
which they aspired to, was against the immediate violence and injustice
of their fellow-citizens; and this advantage each of them looked for
from the courts of justice, or from the authority of some great lord, to
whom, by law or his own choice, he was attached. On the other hand, the
sovereign was sufficiently assured of obedience in the whole community
if he procured the concurrence of the nobles; nor had he reason to
apprehend that any order of the state could resist his and their united
authority. The military sub-vassals could entertain no idea of opposing
both their prince and their superiors: the burgesses and tradesmen
could much legs aspire to such a thought: and thus, even if history were
silent on the head, we have reason to conclude, from the known situation
of society during those ages, that the commons were never admitted as
members of the legislative body.

The executive power of the Anglo-Norman government was lodged in the
king. Besides the stated meetings of the national council at the
three great festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide,[*] he was
accustomed, on any sudden exigence to summon t