empts which, within a few weeks,
have been made by Social-democracy against the revered and reverend
person of the German Emperor have raised a storm of righteous
indignation of such violence that calm judgment is entirely
overthrown, and that many even of the most liberal of liberal
politicians not only impetuously urge us to the severest measures
against the Utopian doctrines of social democracy but, far
over-shooting the mark, demand that free-doctrine and free-thought,
that freedom of the press and even freedom of conscience shall be
thrown into the narrowest fetters. Can this reaction, lurking in the
background, find any more welcome support than is afforded by the mere
demand of such a man as Virchow for restriction of liberty in
teaching? And if he makes our present doctrines of evolution in
general and the theory of descent in particular responsible for the
mad doctrines of social-democracy, it is but a natural and just
consequence when the famous New-Prussian "Kreuz-Zeitung" throws all
the blame of these treasonable attempts of the democrats Hoedel and
Nobiling--as in fact it quite lately did--directly on the theory of
descent, and especially on the hated doctrine of the "descent of man
from apes." And the danger which threatens us shows a still graver
aspect when we consider how great an influence Virchow has at the
present day as an advanced liberal, and how he is regarded in the
Prussian diet as the highest practical authority, and at the same time
as the most liberal critic when educational questions are under
consideration. Now it is well known that one of the most important
problems lying before the Prussian parliament is the consideration of
a new education-law, which will probably exercise its restricting
influence for a long time to come, not in Prussia only, but throughout
Germany; what can we expect of such an education-law if in the course
of the deliberations, among the small number of those specialists who
are generally listened to, Virchow raises his voice as a leading
authority, and brings forward the principles that he proclaimed in his
speech at Munich as the surest guarantees for the freedom of science
in the modern polity? Article XX. of the Prussian Charter, and Sec. 152
of the Code of the German Empire, say, "Science and its doctrines are
free." And Virchow's first step, according to the principles he now
declares, must be a motion to abrogate this paragraph.

In the face of this imminent