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er into an insane convention? A body of English gentlemen, honoured by the favour of their sovereign and the confidence of their fellow-subjects, managing your affairs for five years--I hope with prudence, and not altogether without success--or a sophistical rhetorician, inebriated with the exuberance of his own verbosity,"(354)--and so forth, in a strain of unusual commonness, little befitting either Disraeli's genius or his dignity. Mr. Gladstone's speech three days later was as free from all the excesses so violently described, as any speech that was ever made at Westminster. No speech, however, at this moment was able to reduce the general popularity of ministers, and it was the common talk at the moment that if Lord Beaconsfield had only chosen to dissolve, his majority would have been safe. Writing an article on "England's Mission" as soon as the House was up, Mr. Gladstone grappled energetically with some of the impressions on which this popularity was founded. The _Pall Mall Gazette_ had set out these impressions with its usual vigour. As Mr. Gladstone's reply traverses much of the ground on which we have been treading, I may as well transcribe it:-- The liberals, according to that ably written newspaper, have now imbibed as a permanent sentiment a "distaste for national greatness." This distaste is now grown into matter of principle. "The disgust at these principles of action ever grew in depth and extent," so that in the Danish, the American, and the Franco-German wars, there was "an increasing portion of the nation ready to engage in the struggle on almost any side," as a protest against the position that it was bound not to engage in it at all! The climax of the whole matter was reached when the result of the Alabama treaty displayed to the world an England overreached, overruled, and apologetic. It certainly requires the astounding suppositions, and the gross ignorance of facts, which the journalist with much truth recites, to explain the manner in which for some time past pure rhodomontade has not only done the work of reasoning, but has been accepted as a cover for constant miscarriage and defeat; and doctrines of national self-interest and self-assertion as supreme laws have been set up, which, if unhappily they harden into "permanent sentiment" and "matter of principle," will destroy all the rising hopes of a true public la
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