to be deluded by such
nonsense, but who, nevertheless, were not above profiting, as they
regarded profit, from his folly, it is all but certain that he may have
had accomplices who have not yet been suspected, persons to whom
exposure would be a much greater punishment than death. Those old Greek
and Roman writers have much to answer for, as they have conferred a sort
of sanctity upon assassination, provided the victim be rightly selected;
and who is to decide whether he is so selected or not? If murderers are
to decide upon the deserts of their victims, there never was a murder
committed. Much of the literature that furnishes material for the
instruction of youth is devoted to the laudation of blood-shedding,
provided always the blood that is shed is that of a tyrant; and who to
say whether it is so or not? Why the tyrant-killer, to be sure. This is
an admirable arrangement for securing simplicity of proceedings, but it
admits of some doubt whether it can be quite approved on the score of
impartiality. When a man unites in his own person the characters of
accuser, judge, and executioner, it is within the limits of possibility
that he may be slightly untrustworthy. But in what is known as classical
literature, not only are tyrant-slayers allowed to have their own way
and say, but their action is upheld and defended by great geniuses who
never killed anybody with their own hands, but who had a marvellous
fondness for those whose hands were blood-stained. Cicero, for example,
is never tired of sounding the praises of eminent homicides. He scarcely
praised himself more than he eulogized illustrious murderers of other
days. And on his eloquent words in honor of assassination are the
"ingenuous youth" of Christian countries trained and taught. That some
of them should go astray under such teaching is nothing to wonder at.
This has happened in other countries, and why should it not happen here?
Assassination is not an American crime;[B] but it is not the less true
that Brutuses have been invoked in this country, and that more than once
President Jackson was pointed at as one from whose tyranny the country
might advantageously be relieved after "the high Roman fashion." One man
fired at him,--an Englishman, named Laurence, in 1834; but he proved to
be insane, and was treated as a mad man. Lieutenant Randolph, a
Virginian, assaulted President Jackson, but not with the view to
assassinate him. Brooks's assault on Senator Sumner w