the difficulties, but up to the present I am
unaware that our Government has ever placed its immense resources as
regards information at the disposal of the one Englishman who has been
striving with all his power and knowledge to get a definite solution. I
believe there is going to be a change; I hope so. In any case, the best
thing we can do is to see that it is changed, and that Lord Robert Cecil
is not left to fight a lone battle.
THE APPEAL TO PUBLIC OPINION
There is something more. There is something wanted from each of us.
Personally, I am convinced myself that this problem is soluble on the
lines by which it is now being approached. I speak to you as a
professional who has given some study to the subject. I am convinced
that on the lines of a general pact as opposed to the particular pact, a
general defensive agreement as opposed to separate alliances, followed
by reduction on a great ratio, the practicability of which has been
proved at Washington, a solution can be reached. Given goodwill--that is
the point. At the last Assembly of the League of Nations a report was
presented by the Commission, of which Lord Robert Cecil was a member,
and it wound up with these words: "Finally, the committee recognises
that a policy of disarmament, to be successful, requires the support of
the population of the world. Limitation of armaments will never be
imposed by Governments on peoples, but it may be imposed by peoples on
Governments." That is absolutely true. How are we going to apply it?
Frankly, myself, I do not see that there is a great deal of value to be
got by demonstrations which demand no more war. I have every sympathy
with their object, but we have got to the stage when we want to get
beyond words to practical resolutions. We want definite concrete
proposals, and you won't get these merely by demonstrations. They are
quite good in their way, but they are not enough. What you want in this
matter is an informed public opinion which sees what is practical and
insists on having it.
I am speaking to you as one who for a great many years believed
absolutely that preparation for war was the means of securing peace. In
1919--when I had a little time to look round, to study the causes of the
war and the events of the war--I changed my opinion. I then came quite
definitely to the conclusion that preparation for war, carried to the
point to which it had been carried in 1914, was a direct cause of war. I
had to find a
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