ust 19, 1919.

[321] _The Chicago Tribune_ (Paris edition), August 24, 1919.

[322] After the above was written, a French journal, the _Echo de Paris_
of September 19, 1919, announced that General Marsh declares that his
agents acted without his instructions, but none the less it holds him
responsible for this Baltic policy.

[323] Marshal Douglas Haig, Lord French, the American pacifist, Sydney
Baker, Senator Chamberlain, Representative Kahn, and a host of others
have been preaching universal military training. The press, too, with
considerable exceptions, favors the movement. "We want a democratized
army, which represents all the nation, and it can be found only in
universal service.... Universal service is our best guaranty of peace."
Cf. _The Chicago Tribune_ (Paris edition), August 22, 1919.

[324] President Wilson, when at the close of his conference with the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations--at the White House--asked how the
United States had voted on the Japanese resolution in favor of race
equality, replied: "I am not sure of being free to answer the question,
because it affects a large number of points that were discussed in
Paris, and in the interest of international harmony I think I had better
not reply."--_The Daily Mail_ (Paris edition), August 22, 1919.

[325] In virtue of Article LX of the Treaty with Austria.

XIV

THE TREATY WITH GERMANY

To discuss in detail the peace terms which after many months' desultory
talk were finally presented to Count Brockdorff-Rantzau would transcend
the scope of these pages. Like every other act of the Supreme Council,
they may be viewed from one of two widely sundered angles of
survey--either as the exercise by a victorious state of the power
derived from victory over the vanquished enemy, or as one of the
measures by which the peace of the world is to be enforced in the
present and consolidated in the future. And from neither point of view
can it command the approval of unbiased political students. At first the
Germans, and not they alone, expected that the conditions would be based
on the Fourteen Points, while many of the Allies took it for granted
that they would be inspired by the resolve to cripple Teutondom for all
time. And for each of these anticipations there were good formal
grounds.

The only legitimate motive for interweaving the Covenant with the Treaty
was to make of the latter a sort of corollary of the former and to
moderate the