ed inspiration of the rebellion. But he did not for one
moment permit those causes which would have powerfully influenced lower
natures to control his action, or even to extort a single word of
passionate resentment.

It had been Mr. Seward's fortune at different epochs in the country's
history and in different phases of his own career to incur the harshest
censure from political associates. He had been accused at one time of
urging the anti-slavery cause so far as to endanger the Union; and,
when the Union was endangered, he was accused of being willing to
sacrifice the anti-slavery cause to save it. "The American people,"
said he in February, 1861, "have in our day two great interests,--one
the ascendency of freedom, the other the integrity of the Union. The
slavery interest has derived its whole political power from bringing
the latter object into antagonism with the former. Twelve years ago
Freedom was in danger, and the Union was not. . . . To-day practically
Freedom is not in danger, and the Union is. With the loss of the
Union, all would be lost." Mr. Seward, influenced by this belief,
went farther in the direction of conciliation for the avoidance of war
than his associates were willing to follow. His words gave offense to
some who had long been his most earnest supporters,--a fact thus
pointedly recognized by him: "I speak now singly for Union, striving
if possible to save it peaceably; if not possible, then to cast the
responsibility upon the party of slavery. For this singleness of
speech, I am suspected of infidelity to freedom." But Mr. Seward held
his course firmly, and waited for vindication as men of rectitude and
true greatness can afford to wait. "I refer myself not to the men of
my time, but to the judgment of history."

A similar dedication of himself to the judgment of history was in Mr.
Seward's opinion again demanded of him. He was firmly persuaded that
the wisest plan of reconstruction was the one which would be speediest;
that for the sake of impressing the world with the strength and the
marvelous power of self-government, with its Law, its Order, its Peace,
we should at the earliest possible moment have every State restored to
its normal relations with the Union. He did not believe that
guarantee of any kind beyond an oath of renewed loyalty was needful.
He was willing to place implicit faith in the coercive power of
self-interest operating upon the men lately in rebellion. He a