thout
opposition, and, as a consequence, the word "national" was stricken out
wherever it occurred, and nowhere makes its appearance in the
Constitution finally adopted. The prompt rejection, after introduction,
of this word "national," is obviously much more expressive of the intent
and purpose of the authors of the Constitution than its mere absence
from the Constitution would have been. It is a clear indication that
they did not mean to give any countenance to the idea which, "scotched,
not killed," has again reared its mischievous crest in these latter
days--that the government which they organized was a consolidated
_nationality_, instead of a confederacy of sovereign members.

Continuing their great work of revision and reorganization, the
Convention proceeded to construct the framework of a government for the
Confederacy, strictly confined to certain specified and limited powers,
but complete in all its parts, legislative, executive, and judicial, and
provided with the means for discharging all its functions without
interfering with the "sovereignty, freedom, and independence" of the
constituent States.

All this might have been done without going beyond the limits of their
commission "to revise the Articles of Confederation," and to consider
and report such "alterations and provisions" as might seem necessary to
"render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of
government and the preservation of the Union." A serious difficulty,
however, was foreseen. The thirteenth and last of the aforesaid articles
had this provision, which has already been referred to: "The Articles of
this Confederation _shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the
union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration, at any time
hereafter, be made in any of them_, unless such alteration be agreed to
in a Congress of the United States, and be afterward confirmed by the
Legislatures of _every State_."

It is obvious, from an examination of the records, as has already been
shown, that the original idea in calling a Convention was, that their
recommendations should take the course prescribed by this
article--first, a report to the Congress, and then, if approved by that
body, a submission to the various Legislatures for final action. There
was no reason to apprehend the non-concurrence of Congress, in which a
mere majority would determine the question; but the consent of the
Legislatures of "_every State_" was requisite in