egained by bombardings and by martial law. Italy has redeemed its
heroic character, at Milan, Venice, Brescia, and Rome--all of them
immortal pages in Italian history, glorious sources of inspiration,
heroism, and self-conscious strength. And now they know their aim, and
are united in their aim, and burn to show to the world that the spirit
of ancient Rome again rises in them.

And then to take into consideration the financial part. Without money
there is no war. Now, the nations, when once engaged in the war, will
find means enough for home-support of the war in the rich resources of
their own land; whereas the despots lose the disposal of those resources
by the outbreak of insurrection, and are reduced entirely to foreign
loans, which no emperor of Austria will find again in any new
revolution.

And, mark well, gentlemen, every friendly step by which your great
republic and its generous people testifies its lively interest for our
just cause, adding to the prospects of success, diminishes the credit of
the despots, and by embarrassing their attempts to find loans, may be of
decisive weight in the issue.

Though absolutism was much more favourably situated in 1847 than in
1851, it was overtaken by the events of 1848, when, but for the want of
unity and concert, the liberal party must have triumphed everywhere.
That unity and concert is now attained; why should not absolutism in
1852 be as easily shaken as in 1848!

The liberal cause is stronger everywhere, because conscious of its aim
and prepared. Absolutism has no more bayonets now than in 1848. Without
the interference of Russia our success is not only probable, but is
almost sure.

And as to Russia--remember, that if at such a crisis she thinks of
subduing Hungary, she has Poland to occupy, Finland to guard, Turkey to
watch, and Circassia to fight.

Herein is the reason why I confidently state, that if the United States
declare that a new intervention of Russia will be considered by your
glorious republic a violation of the law of nations, that declaration
will be respected, and Russia will not interfere.

Be pleased to consider the consequence of such renewed interference,
after the passive acceptance of the first has proved so fatal to Europe,
and so dangerous even to England itself. We can scarcely doubt, that, if
ever Russia plans a new invasion, England could not forbear to encourage
Turkey, not to lose again the favourable opportunity to shake off the