on, Naseby, Dunbar and
Worcester, are not mere names, suggesting certain mechanical military
movements to the reader of the present book. The smoke and dust and
blood and carnage of war--the passions it excites, and the heroism it
prompts, are all brought right before the eye. Many historians have
attempted to convey in general terms a notion of the kind of men that
Cromwell brought into battle, but it is in Mr. Headley's volume that
we really obtain a distinct conception of the renowned Ironsides. He
has just enough sympathy with the soldier and the Puritan to reproduce
in imagination the religious passions which animated that band of
"braves." As a considerable portion of Cromwell's life relates to his
military character, Mr. Headley has a wide field for the exercise of
his singular power of painting battle-pieces.

As the present biography, of all the lives of Cromwell with which we
are acquainted, is calculated to be the most popular, we regret that
the author has not taken a Juster view of Cromwell's character and
actions. It is important in a republican country, that the popular
mind should have just notions of constitutional liberty, and every
attempt to convert such despots as Napoleon and Cromwell into
champions of freedom, will, in proportion to its success, prepare the
way for a brood of such men in our own country. In regard to Mr.
Headley, we think that his sympathy with Cromwell's great powers as a
warrior and ruler has vitiated his view of many transactions vitally
connected with the principles of freedom. Compared with Carlyle,
however, he may be almost considered impartial. He is frank and
fearless in presenting his opinions, and does not confuse the mind by
mixing up statements of fact with any of the trancendental Scotchman's
sentimentality.

The English Revolution of 1640 began in a defense of legal privileges
and ended in a military despotism. It commenced in withstanding
attacks on civil and religious rights and ended in the dominion of a
sect. The point, therefore, where the lover of freedom should cease to
sympathize with it is plain. It is useless for the republican to say
that every revolution of the kind must necessarily take a similar
course, for that is not an argument for Cromwell's usurpation, but an
argument against the expediency of opposing attacks by a king, on the
rights and privileges of the people. The truth is that the English
Revolution was at first a popular movement, having a