tax-gatherer and
refusing to pay the imperial rates, he obtained a popularity upon which
he existed until the Commune gave him power. His history is brief. About
a year before the fall of the Second Empire, he declared that he would
pay no more taxes imposed by the Government. Thereupon, all his
realizable property, consisting of one cow, was seized by the
authorities and sold for the benefit of the State. This procured him the
commiseration of the entire party of _irreconciliables_. A subscription
was opened in the columns of the _Marseillaise_ to replace the
sequestrated animal, and "La vache a Gambon"--"Gambon's cow"--became a
derisive party cry. Gambon had been a deputy in 1848, and when the
Commune came into power took a constant though not remarkable part in
its deliberations. He was appointed member of the Delegation of Justice
on the twentieth of April.

V. (Page 120.).

LULLIER.

Charles Ernest Lullier was born in 1838, admitted into the Naval School
in 1854, and appointed cadet of the second class in 1856. He was
expelled the Naval School for want of obedience and for his irascible
character. When on board the Austerlitz he was noted for his quarrelsome
disposition and his violent behaviour to his superiors as well as his
equals, which led to his removal from the ship and to his detention for
a month on board the Admiral's ship at Brest. He was first brought into
notoriety by his quarrel with Paul de Cassagnac, the editor of the
_Pays_, whom he challenged, and who refused his cartel. Lullier is
celebrated for several acts of the most violent audacity. He struck one
of the Government counsel in the Palais de Justice, and openly
threatened the Minister of Marine. He was condemned several times for
political offences and breaches of discipline. On the fourth of
September he left Sainte-Pelagie at the same time as Rochefort. He
attacked the new government in every possible way; and when the events
of the 18th March occurred, M. Lullier--the man of action, the man
recommended by Flourens--seized the opportunity to justify the hopes
formed of him by his political associates, who had not lost sight of
him, and who elected him military chief of the insurrection. As General
of the National Guard, he has given us the history of his deeds during
the 18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, and 22nd March. He has since complacently
described the energy with which he executed his command, has explained
the means he used, and t