and General
Hurlbut should join on the same side is to me incomprehensible.

Of course, in the condition of things at New Orleans, the military must
not be thwarted by the civil authority; but when the Constitutional
Convention, for what it deems a breach of privilege, arrests an editor in
no way connected with the military, the military necessity for insulting
the convention and forcibly discharging the editor is difficult to
perceive. Neither is the military necessity for protecting the people
against paying large salaries fixed by a legislature of their own choosing
very apparent. Equally difficult to perceive is the military necessity for
forcibly interposing to prevent a bank from loaning its own money to the
State. These things, if they have occurred, are, at the best, no better
than gratuitous hostility. I wish I could hope that they may be shown not
to have occurred. To make assurance against misunderstanding, I repeat
that in the existing condition of things in Louisiana, the military
must not be thwarted by the civil authority; and I add that on points of
difference the commanding general must be judge and master. But I also add
that in the exercise of this judgment and control, a purpose, obvious, and
scarcely unavowed, to transcend all military necessity, in order to crush
out the civil government, will not be overlooked.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

REPLY TO MARYLAND UNION COMMITTEE, NOVEMBER 17, 1864.

The President, in reply, said that he had to confess he had been duly
notified of the intention to make this friendly call some days ago, and in
this he had had a fair opportunity afforded to be ready with a set speech;
but he had not prepared one, being too busy for that purpose. He would
say, however, that he was gratified with the result of the presidential
election. He had kept as near as he could to the exercise of his best
judgment for the interest of the whole country, and to have the seal of
approbation stamped on the course he had pursued was exceedingly grateful
to his feelings. He thought he could say, in as large a sense as any other
man, that his pleasure consisted in belief that the policy he had pursued
was the best, if not the only one, for the safety of the country.

He had said before, and now repeated, that he indulged in no feeling of
triumph over any man who thought or acted differently from himself. He
had no such feeling toward any living man. When he thought of Maryland, in