and never
was a more defiant sense of power exhibited than by the Chicago
convention of 1860 and by the vast throng which surrounded its
meetings. Such a feeling is contagious, and it spread from that
centre until it enveloped the free States.

The impression in the country, for a year preceding the convention,
was that Mr. Seward would be nominated. As the time drew nigh,
however, symptoms of dissent appeared in quarters where it had not
been expected. New parties are proverbially free from faction and
jealousy. Personal antagonisms, which come with years, had not
then been developed in the Republican ranks. It was not primarily
a desire to promote the cause of other candidates which led to the
questioning of Mr. Seward's availability, nor was there any
withholding of generous recognition and appreciation of all that
he had done for Republican principles. His high character was
gladly acknowledged, his eminent ability conceded, the magnitude
and unselfishness of his work were everywhere praised. Without
his aid, the party could not have been organized. But for his wise
leadership, it would have been wrecked in the first years of its
existence. He was wholly devoted to its principles. He had staked
every thing upon its success.

Mr. Seward had, however, some weak points as a candidate. A large
proportion of the Republicans had been connected with the American
organization, and still cherished some of its principles. Mr.
Seward had been the determined foe of that party. In battling for
the rights of the negro, he deemed it unwise and inconsistent to
increase the disabilities of the foreign-born citizen. His influence,
more than that of any other man, had broken down the proscriptive
creed of the American party, and turned its members into the
Republican ranks. But many of them came reluctantly, and in a
complaining mood against Mr. Seward. This led political managers
to fear that Mr. Seward would lose votes which another candidate
might secure. Others though that the radicalism of Mr. Seward
would make him weak, where a more conservative representative of
Republican principles might be strong. He had been at the forefront
of the battle for twelve years in the Senate, and every extreme
thing he had said was remembered to his injury. He had preached
the doctrine of an "irrepressible conflict" between the forces of
slavery and the forces of freedom, and timid men dreaded such a
trial as his nominatio