ad being brought over from
Philadelphia at night. The labor leaders became so domineering in their
triumph they refused to engage capitalists who drank or who talked of
their wrongs. They began importing cheap foreign capital to supply all
new needs. But these measures of oppression only increased the class
feeling of capitalists and taught them to stand shoulder to shoulder in
the fight for their rights.

The years of warfare that followed were as obstinate as any in history.
Little by little, in spite of the labor men's sneers, the enormous power
of capital made itself felt. An army of unemployed capitalists marched
upon Washington. The Brotherhood of Railway Bondholders, being indicted
for not buying enough new bonds to move the mails, locked up every
dollar they possessed and defied the Government. The Industrial
Shareholders of the World, a still more rabid body, insisted on having
an eight per cent law for their money. All great cities were the scenes
of wild capitalist riots. Formerly indifferent citizens were alarmed and
angered by seeing their quiet streets turned into Bedlam at night, with
reckless old capitalists roaring through them in taxis, singing Yankee
Boodle or shouting "Down with labor!" For that finally became the cry:
labor must go. They still meant to use labor, somehow, they confusedly
admitted, but capital and not labor must have absolute control of all
industries.

As the irrepressible conflict forced its way into politics, Congress
made statesmanlike efforts to settle the problem. After earnest and
thoughtful debate they enacted a measure which made the first Monday in
September a holiday, called Capital Day. As this hoped-for cure did not
accomplish much they attempted another, by adding a Secretary of Capital
to the President's cabinet. Conservative people were horrified. But
Congress was pushed even further. It was persuaded to prohibit employing
the capital of women and children, and it ordered all Japanese capital
out of the country. On one point, however, Congress was obstinate and
would not budge an inch. They wouldn't give capital full control of the
railroads and mills.

The capitalists themselves were obliged to realize, gradually, that this
could be at best but a beautiful dream. It seemed there was one great
argument against it: labor men were a unit in believing the scheme
wouldn't work. How could scattered investors, who had not worked at an
industry, elect--with any intelligen