t a word like Bolshevism, but are unable
to understand the plain, bold English of a conspiracy to bring about
industrial organization "to wrest the industries and the control of the
government of the United States" out of the hands of the American people
and into the hands of a special class? Indeed, if the "workers" take
everything, what will become of the drones--the Socialist political
hacks?

While we reserve the details for Chapter XVI, we add here in passing
that on February 10, 1920, it was acknowledged in testimony at the trial
of the five Assemblymen at Albany that affiliation with the Third
(Moscow) International had been carried by referendum vote in the
Socialist Party of America with a large majority.

Before giving the reader the text of that part of the Emergency
Convention manifesto which we have been discussing we must call
attention to another piece of evidence--Morris Hillquit's letter in his
paper, the "New York Call," shortly after the Emergency Convention, in
which he says:

"The split in the ranks of American Socialism raises the question: What
shall be the attitude of the Socialist Party toward the newly formed
Communist organization?" His letter answering this important question
was read out of the "Call" into the record of the New York Assembly's
inquiry into the qualifications of the five suspended Socialists to act
as law-makers and will be found in the "New York Herald" of January 29,
1920, from which we take it:

"Any attempted solution of the problem must take into account the
following fundamental facts:

"First--The division was not created arbitrarily and deliberately
by the recent convention in Chicago. It had become an accomplished
fact months ago, and the Chicago gatherings did nothing more than
recognize the fact.

"Second--The division was not brought about by differences on vital
questions of principles. It arose over disputes on methods and
policy.

"Third--The separation of the Socialist Party into three
organizations need not necessarily mean a weakening of the
Socialists. They are wrong in their estimate of American
conditions, their theoretical conclusions and practical methods,
but they have not deserted to the enemy. The bulk of their
following is still good Socialist material. When the hour of the
real Socialist fight strikes in this country we may find them
again in our ranks.