believe the cause of by far
the greatest amount of suffering they endure, though I trust many
drivers are just and merciful. Fifthly, that the law by which negroes
can hold slaves should immediately be abolished. The white man holding a
slave is bad enough, but nothing can justify the toleration of the negro
holding his own flesh and blood in fetters, especially when the door of
Education is hermetically sealed against him.

In addition to the foregoing suggestions for the regulation of
punishment, I would propose that any master proved guilty of inflicting
or tolerating gross cruelty upon a slave, should forfeit every slave he
may possess to the State, and be rendered incapable of again holding
them, and that copies of such decisions be sent to each county in the
State. In connexion with this subject, there is another point of
considerable importance--viz., the testimony of slaves. As matters now
stand, or are likely to stand for some time to come, there appear
insuperable objections to the testimony of a slave being received on a
par with that of a white man, and this constitutes one of the greatest
difficulties in enabling the negro to obtain justice for any injury he
may have sustained. It appears to me, however, that a considerable
portion of this difficulty might he removed by admitting a certain
number of slaves--say three--to constitute one witness.
Cross-examination would easily detect either combination or falsehood,
and a severe punishment attached to such an offence would act as a
powerful antidote to its commission. Until some system is arranged for
receiving negro evidence in some shape, he must continue the hopeless
victim of frequent injustice.

The next subject I propose to consider is a legalized system, having
for its object the freedom of the slave. To accomplish this, I would
suggest that the State should fix a fair scale of prices, at which the
slave might purchase his freedom, one price for males and another for
females under twenty, and a similar arrangement of price between the
ages of twenty and fifty, after which age the slave to be free, and
receive some fixed assistance, either from the State or the master, as
might be thought most just and expedient. To enable the slave to take
advantage of the privilege of purchasing his freedom, it would be
requisite that the State should have banks appointed in which he might
deposit his savings at fair interest; but to enable him to have
something to