ratist tendencies. All the Coalition
(now the Democrat) party and two-thirds of the so-called Party of
Croatian Right were for a close union with Serbia and the regency of
Prince Alexander. That is not to say that there was perfect unanimity
with regard to the interior arrangements of this union; in fact Dr. Ante
Paveli['c], one of the Vice-Presidents of the Yugoslav National Council,
who was received in special audience by the Prince at Belgrade, is also
the leader of the old Star[vc]evi['c] party and as such an opponent of
complete centralization. The _Obzor_, Zagreb's oldest newspaper,
maintains this point of view, not paying much attention to the form of
the State, monarchic or republican, so long as it is organized in a
manner which would prevent the Croats being subordinated. Zagreb, it
thinks, is destined to play the New York to Belgrade's Washington--but
nowadays it looks very much as if Zagreb's role were to be that of
Yugoslavia's Boston.
Among the Slovenes this anxiety for decentralization--which is very
proper or exaggerated, according to the point of view--is less
accentuated. It appears as if the Christian-Socialist party of Monsignor
Koro[vs]ec[29] is rather centralist in its Belgrade words and
decentralist in its Ljubljana deeds. This party has shed some of its
extremist clerical members, who to the cry, "The Church is in danger!"
were very good servants of the Habsburgs. Such of them as were unable to
accept the new order of things--elderly priests, for the most
part--retired from the political stage.
THOSE WHO WILL NOT MOVE WITH THE TIMES
There remains the Voivodina (Banat, Ba[vc]ka, etc.) party, some of whom
are as much frightened of Croat predominance as the _Obzor_, for
instance, is of Serb. The argument of these Voivodina politicians is
that Serbia has lost so many of her _intelligentsia_ during the War that
she must have special protection; they also found it hard to swallow the
old functionaries whom the State took over from Austria. Of course it
does not follow that if a Slav has been a faithful servant of Austria he
will be an unsatisfactory servant of the new State. Obviously the
circumstances of each case must be considered; and, as a barrister, a
dissentient member of this party told me at Osiek, one must often put
personal feelings aside; he himself had been arbitrarily imprisoned
during the War by an official who was then an Austrian and is now a
Yugoslav functionary. The most extr
|