bus Unum_ upon the Republic, that we battled in war; and now we
surrender to these tyrannical pretensions again. Escaping from war, we
rush upon the opposite peril,--_as from Charybdis to Scylla_.

Again, we are told gravely, that the national power which decreed
emancipation cannot maintain it by assuring universal enfranchisement,
because an imperial government must be discountenanced,--as if the whole
suggestion of "imperialism" or "centralism" were not out of place, until
the national security is established, and our debts, whether to the
national freedman or the national creditor, are placed where they cannot
be repudiated. A phantom is created, and, to avoid this phantom, we rush
towards concession and compromise,--_as from Charybdis to Scylla_.

Again, we are reminded that military power must yield to the civil power
and to the rights of self-government. Therefore the Rebel States must be
left to themselves, each with full control over all, whether white or
black, within its borders, and empowered to keep alive a Black Code
abhorrent to civilization and dangerous to liberty. Here, again, we rush
from one peril upon another. Every exercise of military power is to be
regretted, and yet there are occasions when it cannot be avoided. War
itself is the transcendent example of this power. But the transition
from war to peace must be assured by all possible safeguards. "Civil
power and self-government cannot be conceded to belligerent enemies
until after the establishment of security for the future." Such security
is an indispensable safeguard, without which there will be new disaster
to the country. Therefore, in escaping from military power, care must be
taken that we do not run upon the opposite danger,--_as from Charybdis
to Scylla_.

Again, it is said solemnly, that "we must trust each other"; which,
being interpreted, means, that the Republic must proceed at once to
trust the belligerent enemies who have for four years murdered our
fellow-citizens. Of course, this is only another form of concession. In
trusting them, we give them political power, including the license to
oppress loyal persons, whether white or black, and especially the
freedman. For four years we have met them in battle; and now we rush to
trust them, and to commit into their keeping the happiness and
well-being of others. There is peril in trusting such an enemy, more
even than in meeting him on the field. God forbid that we rush now upon
this